Welcome to today’s quotes from the Claim-Forms – observations for the Draft Orders….

Fiat justitia ruat caelum

Stuart Syvret

Extracts from Armageddon: # 5

“…….Yet other examples can be cited; the illegal oppression of this applicant in 1996 by Sir Philip Bailhache when he – wholly unlawfully – excluded me from the legislature for six months, in a criminal attempt to silence and coerce me, so as to protect his friend and senior Jersey Freemason, then Senator Reg Jeune, from the consequences of having his nakedly corrupt actions exposed by this applicant.

On that occasion Sir Philip Bailhache – exclusively and unassailable empowered by Her Majesty’s Letters Patent – acted overtly and repeatedly criminally. He engaged in misconduct in a public office, and he repeatedly engaged in a conspiracy to pervert justice.

In many ways that episode is indicative of the criminal dysfunction of the Jersey polity and – of especial relevance in these proceedings – the failed relationship with the authorities in London.

For no matter that Jeune had been caught – red-handed – in an unambiguous act of corruption – and this applicant had done his public duty in exposing  it – the Jersey legislature, the Jersey judiciary, and the Jersey policing function all failed to deal correctly with the matters. In the case of the legislature and the judiciary – both of those corrupted and decadent institutions in Jersey set about – pro-actively – abusing and illegally oppressing this applicant.

In the case of the police, they refused to even investigate the matter in any meaningful way when this applicant made formal criminal complaints to them. But – indeed – if the police had acted lawfully – the prosecution file would have simply landed on the desk of Bailhache and Jeune’s friend – the Attorney General Michael Birt. Therefore – even if there had been a lawful policing function (which there was not at that time) – there was not – nor is there – any lawful prosecution function for a lawful policing function to report to.

This structural ultra vires – which renders the proper rule of law impossible in Jersey – and thus the proper application of the ECHR impossible – is the responsibility of the respondent authorities – the Privy Council, the Crown, and the Secretary of State.

As there is not a “statute-of-limitations” in English – or Jersey – law – those various crimes arising from the notorious LLP Law episode – in which the Jersey parliament became, infamously,  a “Legislature-for-Hire” – remain outstanding – and unaddressed.

It is therefore a part of the cause-of-action in these applications that the respondent authorities put in place an effective policing, prosecution and judicial system, so that such criminal acts can be – and are – lawfully investigated, charged, prosecuted and tried. The commercial hi-jacking of the Jersey legislature for the purposes of introducing the privately-drafted Limited Liability Partnerships Law in 1996 – and then the consequent illegal oppression of this applicant for having done his public duty in exposing it – remains an unaddressed and outstanding episode of brazen corruption.

That episode is also of deep evidential relevance in respect of a broad purpose of these applications – namely, that of inquiring into and reviewing the lawfulness – or otherwise – of the manner in which the respondent authorities discharge their duties to people of the Crown Dependencies.

Plainly – key questions have to be, “are those duties discharged objectively and fairly? Or is the interface between the respondents and the Jersey establishment one of  ‘clientism’?” If that latter – then the situation is unlawful.

Extremely detailed, formal complaints were made in 1996 by the applicant – who had been wholly illegally prevented from taking his seat in the legislature by Sir Philip Bailhache – acting under the power of Her Majesty’s Letters Patent – and with the support of his de facto party political allies.

That episode remains outstanding – and undressed – and it must be addressed – not least because of the simple seriousness of it; but also it is, after all, a powerfully evidenced criminal enterprise; one which no part – no part at all – of the Jersey apparatus has – or could lawfully – address.

In 1996, the detailed complaints by the applicant against the illegal – anti-democratic – and coercive abuse he was suffering,  were made to the then Home Secretary, Michael Howard. At that time the responsibility for the Crown Dependencies rested with the Home Office, not the Justice Department.  For notwithstanding six months of entirely illegal coercion and anti-democratic exclusion inflicted upon this applicant for doing his public duty and opposing corruption – no response was ever received from the Home Secretary – and no lawfully adequate intervention – to restore good governance or the rule of law ever occurred.

A failure made all the more legally serious give that the Office-holder who led the corrupt oppression against this applicant – Sir Philip Bailhache – was solely empowered by Her Majesty’s Letters Patent – issued by her – in London – in a residual executive act. Bailhache was a pure creature of the Crown.

Thus the illegal and corrupt abuses inflicted on this applicant by Bailhache  – were  illegal and corrupt abuses inflicted on this applicant by the Crown.

Qui facit per alium facit per se

The “methodology” and the evidential documentation relevant to that ultra vires failure by the United Kingdom authorities must be examined by the court. Examined – because that episode is of key evidential relevance to the fundamental questions that these applications put before the courts – and examined because the criminal offences remain outstanding – and unaddressed. The passage of time does not diminish or insulate them – nor the fraudulent and misfeasant conducts that in turn facilitated and shielded such conduct at the time.

Fraus omnia vitiat ……..”


“………Indeed – the problem – that of the actually disturbing lack of “quality” and of “calibre” on the part of the self-sustaining, self-recommending, self-elevating, self-protecting claque of Crown Officers in Jersey – who then receive the power of Her Majesty’s Letters Patent – goes further than the startling political illiteracy  on repeated display. For even though they are lawyers – they frequently display what are frankly jaw-dropping ignorances of even the law.

For example – and in one of the more amusingly Kafkaesque moments of the plain descent into anarchy that has gripped the Crown functions in Jersey during the last six years – the current Solicitor General, Howard Sharp, when opposing one of this applicant’s judicial review applications, argued in open court that “it was not possible for the courts to judicially review decisions and actions of the executive”.

Still – that was not a problem for Solicitor General Howard Sharp – because that was the judicial review application I was forced to make before the conflicted, corrupt judge / Advocate  Julian Clyde-Smith – who quickly stepped-in – and rescued the Solicitor General, and ran his case for him……”

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