Well, here’s a surprise.
The blog the Jersey establishment strove to prevent you from reading – is back.
Thanks to a variety of campaigners, survivors, whistleblowers, IT experts and concerned citizens in a number of countries around the world, the most evidenced and accessible anti-corruption news and discussion forum in Jersey history lives on.
Like it was always going to.
And I’m personally very grateful to the same group of people – and many others – around the world who gave me such support, and who campaigned during my most recent stretch as Jersey’s first political prisoner since the Nazis were thrown out. Hey, it gave us some further insight into the kind of material the Jersey authorities would like to ban. Leigh LaFon @DenverElle sent me a beautiful illustrated anthology of Pablo Neruda’s poems, On the Blue Shore of Silence. The prison regime deemed this book “contraband”, and didn’t give it to me till I was released. Still, at least it was permitted to enter the island. By mistake, perhaps?
And, you know, so many people ask me these days what the – ah – um – perks were like in Jersey’s prison, and whether I enjoyed similar – err – services to drugs baron Curtis Warren? Alas, being a poor political dissident – and not a big-time crook with £100’s millions allegedly hidden away to get Jersey’s & London’s lawyers and judges salivating – no such benefits were ever made available to me.
The most entertaining thing I ever received in prison was an ex cathedra veto by Bill Bailhache of my appeal application.
These days, as this blog is run by international administrators and editors, I’m going to be merely an occasional contributing author amongst what I’m reliably informed will be a number of guest contributors.
Now, in no small part due to the oppressive folly of Jersey’s corrupt establishment, not only is this blog, predictably, back, it’s also going to be bigger and more scary than ever before.
No more Mr Nice Guy.
D’you hear that, John?
So, let’s get down to business, and take a look at the reason – the real reason – why powerful people in Jersey wanted my blog taken down.
Most people probably don’t perceive this yet, as it’s the kind of event that only becomes readily seen from the panoramic distance of time, but what a few of Jersey’s bloggers have achieved represents a unique development in British history. Unique, because nowhere else in Britain would you find a vacuum where the Fourth Estate was supposed to be, just waiting to be filled by citizen journalists. To find an equivalent where the internet has enabled ordinary people to start reporting the facts usually buried by the passive media of entrenched establishments, we’d have to look at regimes around the world with no good history of democracy.
There is nowhere else in Britain that such volumes of damming documentary evidence – and high-level witness-testimony – to so much stark and dangerous corruption – would exist, and some part or the other of the traditional mainstream media not seize upon it, report it, and lead a media feeding-frenzy.
Think about it: can you imagine any other place in Britain, in which, on the evidence, major child-abuse investigations had been obstructed and sabotaged by a conspiracy of corrupt, culpable officials and conflicted public prosecutors – where the Deputy Police Chief had been repeatedly obstructed, and the Police Chief had been unlawfully suspended, and both of those men were not only willing to speak-out to the media about such corruptions, but had actually produced affidavits – sworn testimony – to confirm it, but yet none of the mainstream media were interested?
It’s inconceivable – unimaginable – anywhere else in Britain.
Try imagining a place in the British Isles in which the only media willing to report the testimony of a Deputy Police Chief and of a Police Chief were a few local bloggers?
Indeed – try imagining a situation anywhere else in Britain where men of such high-ranking professionalism as a Police Chief and a Deputy Police Chief felt that a few local bloggers were not only the only available channels for their public interest concerns, but were also the only outlets to be relied upon for fullness and accuracy?
This is the situation that prevails in Jersey.
It is an unfolding event unique in British journalism.
It is unique in British policing.
It is unique in British history.
These events are at the very history-making cutting-edge of citizen’s media activism in the nation.
You could not find an equivalent state of affairs as that which prevails in Jersey, in any established Western democracy.
But Jersey’s feudal mafia have not invested so many decades – generations – in controlling the local media, to willingly face the unavoidable redundancy of that whole bloated and expensive apparatus and its definitive power of “omission” and the role that power has always played in the island’s Currency-of-Concealment.
Such an incestuous, stale, unethical – and frankly not terribly bright – claque of hick-town potentates were never likely to be willing – or able – to see their racket was over.
It was over in 2007, and someone – someone senior in London – really really – should have quietly led them to one side and broken the news to them. That didn’t happen. And because of Jersey’s unique situation – zero functioning checks and balances and all meaningful power in the hands of a narrow intermeshed syndicate of bent lawyers, spittle-flecked rentiers and drooling sock-puppets – futile resistance to the phenomenon known as reality was always going to be mounted. Not because it was ever going to succeed – but simply because they could.
These people were going to carry on employing bent civil-servants, concealing widespread corruption, allowing child-abuse to go unchecked, covering-up child-protection failures, concealing clinical murders, illegally suspending Police Chiefs, mounting illegal massed raids on opposition politicians, appointing their own conflicted judges, mounting Stalinistic show-trials, banning entire defence-cases, fraudulently misappropriating huge sums of public money, and protecting powerful serial-rapists from charges & prosecution – for just as long as they were allowed to – no matter the deepening swamp of bedlam thus created.
The anarcho-feudal results are there to be seen.
The only place in Britain where the entire policing function is now a party-political tool wielded by the powerful against those who oppose them (see this linked posting, “REVISITED – THE OGIER GROUP – WHEN PARODY FAILS” – http://freespeechoffshore.nl/stuartsyvretblog/the-ogier-group/ – The Ogier Group also being – spookily enough – the lucrative landlords of @JerseyInquiry) and which policing function is silent and unmoving against the crimes of the well-connected. The only place in Britain in which the director of public prosecutions can attempt to illegally coerce the Police Chief. The only place in Britain in which the actual judicial, policing and prosecution functions are all in the de facto control of a private legal syndicate. The only place in Britain in which Data Protection “law” can be abused in an effort to silence opposition activists and independent journalism. The only place in Britain in which Data Protection “law” can be mobilised – covertly and dishonestly – to try and prevent public scrutiny of the unlawful suspension of the Police Chief. The only place in Britain in which Data Protection “law” is used to protect child-abusers and conceal child-protection failures.
So in Jersey we have a nationally historically unprecedented situation in two ways. Firstly, bloggers have done the detailed, factual, serious, evidenced reporting – have been the Fourth Estate – whilst the traditional media has sat by in collusion with power, silence, redundancy and increasing humiliation. Secondly, in the rest of Britain there are functioning checks and balances, and clear separations between different regulatory authorities and law-enforcement agencies; nowhere else in Britain do the same narrow group of people run all meaningful power, and nowhere else in the country would a group of close business associates and friends be permitted to capture the very apparatus of law-enforcement, nor to run it into such obvious gross and evidenced corruption.
But there’s a third way in which “the Jersey situation” is without national precedent.
That is this:
Never before in Britain have the powers-that-be decided to embark upon a public inquiry into a high-level public scandal – when the key evidenced facts – and the unavoidable factors – and the undisguisable conclusions – were already out there – in the public domain – laid out across the table – adumbrated – described.
Already there – unignorable like the elephant in the room.
The British establishment has a few trusted get-out-of-jail cards it plays every time the seething, endemic, boiling corruption and unaccountability of British society erupts above the cosmetic surface, and something-must-be-done! For example, “announce a public inquiry”. With that trusty approach, in scandals like Bloody Sunday, Hillsborough, Stephen Lawrence – the culpable individuals and the stagnant system know they can fend-off exposure of the truth until the 2nd, 3rd or 4th public inquiry – after it became clear the 1st was a whitewash & PR job. You know? Until two or three decades later – when the real villains are dead – like Jimmy Savile – or the corrupt public officials are safely drawing their immense pensions.
Calling for a public inquiry is the British establishment’s all-purpose escape route; it is parachute, PR-strategy, shield and insurance-policy – all rolled into one. It gives ‘cover’ – it provides time – and breathing-space – whilst the shredders hum, the excuses dreamed-up, the scapegoats indentified, the script-flipped and the diversionary counter-attacks manufactured.
And who cares if it’s all bullshit?
When the 1st public inquiry is exposed as crap – after another ten years of campaigning by hardy victims who refused to accept the nonsense – those who were paid to do the “inquiring” will, in turn, have their excuses just like those they were “inquiring” into, and, anyway, the big fat cheques will have long-since been cashed in exchange for briefs fulfilled.
But for the traditional British public inquiry to fulfil its divert-distract-and-cover-up function, one or two conditions precedent have to prevail. For example, we have to have the historic cap-doffing, forelock-tugging deference to men & women in silly costumes, with absurd titles and Eaton & Cheltenham accents. When Sir Lady Lord Baronet 27th Earl of Trustfundshire Dame Oxbridge QC, Thane of Lloyds and Groom of the Remembrancer’s Stool, O.B.E is appointed, by those to be inquired into, we have to sink to our knees in gratitude when they address us in their BBC-plausible voice and assure us they really, really do have the serious and genuine interests of us scummy proles upmost in their minds and not those of their fellow multi-millionaires who appointed them and who they’ll be chatting to in a north London lawyer’s club next week.
But does that culture of deference exist anymore? Well – perhaps a little, but it’s oh so diminished. The traditional power elites are viewed with increasing scepticism across Britain, and even, surprisingly, in Jersey. It’s increasingly obvious that 500 pages of diversionary flim-flam generated via another few million quid of public money thrown into Bedford Row won’t work as it used to – like some kind of sleeping-gas – that would tranquilise and pacify everyone for another five years, before they started to wake up to the fact they’d been conned.
But the Jersey public inquiry into decades of concealed child-abuse faces an even bigger problem than that loss of unthinking deference.
The insurmountable obstacle, in Jersey, to a traditional British
divert-distract-and-cover-up style “public inquiry” is that “Third-Problem” – let us coin that phrase. In the Jersey crisis, the British establishment faces several “problems” that are without precedent in modern British history; firstly, we have the undiluted abandonment of the job of scrutiny by all of the traditional media – and bloggers ably stepping into that vacuum where the Fourth Estate should have been – and secondly, we have a polity utterly devoid of any check & balance & of lawful restraint, and which is the apogee of disguised corruption. And the “Third-Problem”?
The Third-Problem is that the public inquiry is already redundant – before it’s even got underway.
It is redundant, at least, in that there’s no need to discover and identify the core issues – the core issues and facts which are already established – on-the-evidence – before the CoI began – namely, the neglect – the psychological abuse – the violence – the savage barbarisms – the rape of children – the gross systemic failings – the collapse in professional accountability – the cultural group-think of Jersey’s polity – an absence of rudimentary competencies – widespread ethical bankruptcy – the complete absence of effective checks and balances – jaw-dropping obstructions to honest, ethical Police Officers – undisguised corruption and abuses of power – witness-intimidation – fear – suppression – and a toxic rot in the Crown functions of prosecution & judiciary in Jersey, and the capture and corruption of what should have been effective oversight from London.
All of those things are already known – evidenced – facts.
They are known facts because a grass-roots network of survivors, whistle-blowers, activists and bloggers have spent the last six years sharing, researching, collating, speaking, drawing connections, studying, curating – and publishing.
Certainly, the public inquiry – a good public inquiry – could still do important work – not least at last give recognition to the survivors, give them a forum – listen to their experiences – and force the Jersey government to address their needs.
And in terms of what took place and when, in the long catalogue of systemic breakdown of governance, much detail could be added.
But, you know – in terms of the big picture issues – the overt gross failures of Jersey – what else needs to be added, really?
- We know that there was extensive and sustained child-abuse throughout many state-run institutions in Jersey.
- We know that some of that child-abuse was committed by public employees.
- We know that some child-abuse was facilitated and enabled by public employees.
- We know that some children – and some staff – and other witnesses – did complain – but were ignored – or threatened and intimidated.
- We know that several generations of vulnerable children who passed through the hands of Jersey government “care” had their lives seriously damaged – in some cases destroyed.
- We know that some overtly corrupt civil servants were aware of the abuse over the years and decades, but concealed it.
- We know that other civil servants passively went along with the Culture of Concealment.
- We know that some victims of child-abuse were absolutely failed and betrayed by their own lawyers.
- We know that in some cases those culpable lawyers – and those associated with them – have abused power and public money to suppress the truth.
- We know that senior civil servants routinely and pro-actively lied to successive politicians; that politicians were both mislead by omission, and overtly lied to concerning child-protection issues.
- We know that a variety of senior civil servants engaged in a criminal conspiracy to block the lawful discharge of the Children (Jersey) Law by the responsible Minister.
- We know that conscientious, honest elected representatives are subjected to political abuse and harassment and police-state oppression if they go against the Culture of Concealment.
- We know that in 2008 – by which time Jersey’s parliament actually had a Scrutiny Panel whose key task it was to inquire into child-protection issues – that Scrutiny Panel flatly and repeatedly refused to undertake those inquiries – even though by this stage decades of scandalous failure had been exposed, and the Panel was being furnished with significant documentary evidence.
- We know that the many good, ethical Police Officers were routinely obstructed in child-abuse investigations and had their work sabotaged by a corrupt minority.
- We know that suspects in child-porn and child-abuse cases were tipped-off by corrupt Police Officers.
- We know that the Deputy Police Chief was obstructed in his work by the Law Officers Department.
- We know that the Police Chief was illegally suspended.
- We know that the judicial remedy pursued by the suspended Police Chief was corruptly conflicted against him. (The staggeringly corrupt involvement of The Ogier Group – also – surprise, surprise – hosts of @JerseyInquiry).
- We know that the necessary public safeguard of whistle-blowing is pro-actively suppressed by Jersey’s establishment.
- We know that the Data Protection Law has been distorted, twisted and abused to suppress and intimidate whistle-blowers.
- We know that the Data Protection function is politicised and biased – suppressing public-interest disclosures on the one hand – yet on the other allowing the actual theft, trafficking and publication of simple private data.
- We know that successive Jersey Attorney Generals have failed to prosecute crimes of child-abuse and crimes involved in concealing child-abuse, such as perverting the course of justice and misconduct in a public office.
- We know that the prosecution function in Jersey is simply dysfunctional and structurally ultra vires, given it is vested in the Attorney General, an Office with a multitude of mutually exclusive roles, not least giving “legal advice” to the very culpable departments and civil servants that should have been prosecuted by the same Office.
- We know that the prosecution function in Jersey has been essentially corrupted by office-holders with direct personal conflicts of interest in the very cases they’ve decided not to prosecute (e.g. Blanche Pierre & the Maguires).
- We know that what passes for a judiciary in Jersey is politicised, and like the prosecution function with which the judiciary is incestuously entwined, will engage in the concealment of scandals.
- We know that Jersey’s politicised judiciary has sought to trump the legislature by attempting to generate ‘judge-made-law’ that militates against the public interest by making it virtually impossible to expose public wrong-doing.
- We know that in one high-profile child-abuse prosecution, the judge – Christopher Pitchers – simply read out – incorporated into his judgment – an un-evidenced screed of politicised and misleading nonsense written by a paid spin-doctor – one Matt Tapp – whose “employment” had been covertly and corruptly engineered by the conflicted David Warcup and Bill Ogley.
- We know that a number of political and private interests have – de facto – simply captured the policing, prosecution and judicial functions in the island (e.g. Bailhache LaBesse / Appleby Global – & The Ogier Group).
- We know – quite simply – that for as long as the entire might of a conflicted and corrupted polity can be turned to the illegal suppression of a Social Services Minister – and the illegal suppression of a Police Chief – THE two ultimate champions of child-protection, to who vulnerable children should be able to look for fearless defence – vulnerable children will never be safe in Jersey.
Those are the facts – because Jersey’s bloggers have accumulated and published a variety of testimony and evidence that shows them to be the facts.
And equally, on the basis of those facts, we know what needs doing to fix the system.
Most fundamentally Jersey must have – and have urgently – a de-politicised, independent judiciary – and an independent, depoliticised Director of Public Prosecutions – effectively and objectively overseen from London. Public safety in Jersey and the very rule of law requires no less.
But – that one thing – that clear central problem, that so obviously most needs inquiring into – above all other factors – the politicisation and failure of the Crown functions of prosecution and judiciary in Jersey and the conflicted personal abuse individual office-holders have made of those functions, isn’t even up for discussion.
The Committee of Inquiry has neither the terms-of-reference or the remit to “go there”. And it won’t.
So, with so many evidenced facts already discovered – and published – by Jersey’s bloggers, and the obvious conclusions – and the obvious remedies – already plain on the face of things, well, that’s a bit of problem, isn’t it?
For a public inquiry to stand any chance at all of “credibly” performing the usual divert-distract-and-cover-up stunt for the British establishment there cannot be a competing narrative.
The trick just doesn’t work – and can’t work – if there is a competing narrative.
Especially a detailed, authoritative, witnessed, evidenced, multi-voiced – and growing – narrative.
A public – and published – narrative, which has already beaten the ‘official’ public inquiry to the punch.
The kind of grass-roots, public narrative of testimony and documentary evidence – as published already by Jersey’s bloggers.
Jersey’s bloggers – and the witnesses whose trust they’ve earned – witnesses like many abuse-survivors, whistle-blowers and good, honest men like the former Deputy Police Chief and the former Police Chief.
Jersey’s bloggers – and the witnesses – and the evidentiary documents – that have made British history; made British investigative and anti-corruption history because we’ve had to, given the total failure of the traditional Fourth Estate in this island, and the wholesale endemic and systemic corruption of the entire polity of Jersey.
Put simply – there cannot be a competing narrative – a competing depiction of events – a competing publication of evidence – running parallel to the public inquiry – indeed, already ahead of the public inquiry and on the summit of obvious conclusions – if that inquiry is to stand any chance of delivering the requisite diversionary white-wash.
The lawyers and spin-doctors recognised that from the get-go.
Which is why the Jersey oligarchy and conflicted lawyers were secretly doing all they could to try and get my blog taken down – have the entire URL excised from the internet – from at least as far back as November 2008.
Trying to get my blog taken down – without any public statement – without my knowledge – and without any admission to any court.
We know this, only because Google recently disclosed to me a letter from the directly conflicted law-firm Appleby Global (formerly Bailhache LaBesse – Senior Partner William Bailhache) which said this: –
“I refer to the above matter. As you will be aware from previous correspondence, we act for the Jersey Data Protection Commissioner (‘the Commissioner’), who first contacted Google Inc. (Google) in November 2008, regarding her concerns in relation to a blog hosted by Google Blogger, at http://stuartsyvret.blogspot.com (the Blog”). Mr Stuart Syvret is the owner and operator of the Blog.”
November 2008, eh?
And there we all were, thinking the Jersey oligarchy’s only interest and motivation in attacking this blog arose on the 19th March 2009, on which occasion I published evidence for yet another monstrous cover-up by the Crown officers in Jersey in which the evidenced conclusion was they had concealed the murder of a number of my vulnerable constituents in the Jersey hospital by a plainly psychopathic rogue male nurse.
So – November 2008?
What was taking place around then? And what was I writing and publishing on this blog that can have so frightened the Jersey establishment?
Jersey’s public authorities were secretly attempting to get this blog taken down in November 2008 for three reasons: (a) to cover-up their concealment of child-abuse, (b) to prevent scrutiny of their illegal suspension of Police Chief Graham Power, and (c) desperate panic that their vacuous, spin-doctor-authored smearing of the Haute de la Garenne investigation had had its entire legality and scientific credibility challenged head-on, immediately, by postings like this:
The kind of questions I raised in that posting on behalf of my then constituents who had a right to the proper and professional rule of law – are now the same kind of questions that any credible public inquiry will have to address. Those questions – and many more just like them – and arising out of that whole episode.
And that’s a disaster for anyone hoping the public inquiry could be a whitewash – or even some kind of bland halfway-house, that aimed to “draw a line” under the whole controversy by giving a few token scraps of concession to survivors and campaigners, but – crucially & essentially – giving a fake “Seal-of-Approval” by “finding no fatal, terminal, personal, case-specific, or structural, ultra vires in the Crown functions in Jersey such as Police, Prosecution, Attorney General, Bailiff, Data Protection Commissioner, Financial Services Commission, Deputy Bailiff and Lieutenant Governor.”
Of course – we, the people – as manifest in a loose, grass-roots amalgam of survivors, whistle-blowers, professionals, blogger-citizen-journalists, campaigners and activists in the tax-haven of Jersey, and civil society in general – have made British history – and beaten any public-inquiry. We’ve found, interrogated, thought about, analysed and published so much of the core evidence & of the core issues – the utterly fundamental – toxic – factors at play – that we’ve made it impossible for a public-inquiry to elide, down-play, hide or let alone evade entirely, our evidenced, stark, community findings; the facts – and the law – the real law – and the truth.
When it comes to the key – central – facts – and we know – and they know – and we know that they know – what those key central facts are (diversions aren’t going to work this time, boys & girls) – if there is so much as one – single – paragraph of bullshit in the CoI Report – it will be mercilessly eviscerated.
Merciless – as were the emotional cruelties, neglects, injurious batterings, starvations, cigarette-burns, jailings, rapes, sodomies – physical harms, and profound, life-crushing mental health damage – inflicted on so – so – many vulnerable children in Jersey. Many of who are now dead.
The true facts of “The Jersey Situation” are going to be submitted to IICSA. Provided will be – along with supporting dossiers of evidence and narrative critiques – a remarkable introductory chapter as a detailed & evidence-bundled, full critical response to @Jerseyinquiry. The facts of “The Jersey Situation” constitute a “Refuse-To-Incorporate-This-If-You-dare!” – submission to #IICSA.
In that sense – THE JERSEY SITUATION- is a litmus-test – of #IICSA.
In many ways – and strangely enough worst of all – if #IICSA refuses to incorporate “The Jersey Dossier” – the fall-out from the now unavoidable submission-event will be worse – far worse – for #IICSA and the involved UK government departments, than would have been lancing the boil in Jersey effectively, in the first place; lancing the boil by ensuring there was a ‘REAL’ public inquiry here – as opposed to the overt ultra vires fake “inquiry” which took place; a fake “public-inquiry” which not only abused the human rights of the key whistle-blower – but which also engaged in stark acts of witness-intimidation against him – and constructively excluded him – prevented him – from giving evidence.
Only by facing the fact that the public-inquiry in Jersey HAD to be real – and the consequences taken on the chin – did the evidencedly culpable and corrupted London departments have any chance – any chance at all – of confining events in Jersey – to Jersey – and thus artificially fire-walling Whitehall & the monarchy from their responsibilities for the lawless, crazed, riot of feudal nutcases in Jersey which is now a serious threat to the reputation and standing of the Crown.
As painful to the reputations of British ‘judiciary’, Crown officers, Whitehall etc – would have been the epochal – but so obviously needed – intervention in affairs in Jersey & purging and cleaning the place up – failing to have done so means the Whitehall establishment have nailed their colours to the mast of a dangerous ship-of-fools. Or – Rather – the secretive, dangerous and unaccountable ‘state-within-a-state’ of the City of London Corporation, has caused Whitehall to do that.
So – to take to just one of a multitude of examples – any public inquiry that fails to address the kind of questions I posed to David Warcup and Mick Gradwell – and fails to address why the police investigation was politically sabotaged via covertly hired spin-doctors such as Matt Tapp – and why – later – wrong, incompetent, dishonest, brought-and-paid-for “testimony” from the improperly hired & conflicted Matt Tapp, was simply incorporated – without challenge – into a judgment by a judge chosen and appointed to hear the case by a directly conflicted Bailiff – will have no credibility.
That posting – linked to above, and below – which so terrified and shook the Jersey authorities that they engaged in secret attempts to get Google to take-down the entire blog in November 2008 – was – and is – and will remain – a key part of the competing narrative. The fact and evidenced based narrative which stands in perpetual defiance of the fictions of #JerseyInquiry.
That posting, in which I published my 37 Questions to Officers Warcup and Gradwell, is an example – just one – from the serious, fact-based, contemporaneous narrative – which no public inquiry can credibly compete with – if the inquiry is to be a traditional “divert-distract-and-cover-up” exercise.
So blogs like mine – which publish actual evidence – such as affidavits from the former Deputy Police Chief and the former Police Chief – blogs like mine, which are based upon the witness testimony of actual victims – blogs like mine, which serve as a collective repository for so much of the history of the Jersey child-abuse cover-ups – blogs like mine, which serve as a supportive and uniting archive for many abuse survivors – blogs like mine which so starkly depict – inescapably and on the evidence – the plain lawlessness of the Crown officers in Jersey – have to be smeared, silenced, removed, air-brushed from the public sphere – removed from history – by the Jersey/London establishment, like Stalin “airbrushed from history” so many “inconvenient” things.
And with my blog smeared, attacked, silenced – removed from the public narrative – the way would be left clear for a new, fake, narrative – a spun and manipulated and misleading narrative – to take its place. And with an example made of me, to add to the intimidation and threats routinely made against other bloggers like Voice for Children and Rico Sorda, those blogs too might be “tamed”; kind of watered-down, maybe, via a few legal threats, and slowly pushed to the margins.
Well, that worked.
Yet another train-wreck for the Jersey establishment and its London protectors.
The public inquiry & its gestures – were it not for these damn, pesky bloggers – would have been able to perform the customary pas de deux with the local traditional media in which each side, with a nod & a wink to the other, would act out the tame chorography like a couple of fake wrestlers.
Instead – the public inquiry is going to have to compete; it is going to have whatever narrative it manufactures compared and contrasted with the narrative already to be seen in the historic and contemporaneous record to be found on Voice for Children, Rico Sorda, and this blog.
There is no hiding place.
The whole world is watching.
Given my scepticism towards the public inquiry, what do I advise survivors, witnesses and whistleblowers to do? Should they engage with it?
The more survivors, witnesses and whistleblowers who engage with the public inquiry, the harder any cover-up will be.
But I’m trying as gently as I can to forewarn survivors that this public inquiry could be another false-dawn. I feel I have to say that, as I have strong memories of another occasion when survivors and whistleblowers had their hopes up, and felt that, at last, some evidence for some of the failures and cover-ups would be officially published.
That occasion was going to be the publication of my Ministerial Official Comments to the Jersey legislature in response to the Jersey establishment’s engineering of my dismissal – an action we now know – thanks to the Police Chief’s July 2007 file-note – to have been a conspiracy by culpable senior civil servants.
The directly conflicted Bailiff – Philip Bailhache – prevented publication of my parliamentary response; not an action he had any lawful power to engage in. But yet, that is how a very significant selection of evidential material was improperly blocked from publication.
I remember that evening before the debate, having to telephone certain witnesses, whistleblowers & survivors to break the news to them that, in fact, the evidence they had been expecting to be officially published, had been blocked. Blocked by a directly conflicted public official. Some of them were reduced to tears of anger and despair.
It’s not an experience I’ll forget – or that I want to happen again.
So forgive me if I want the vulnerable to be cautious in their expectation. And I feel particularly obliged to say that – because in recent days three key witnesses have told me they will not now be making themselves known to the public inquiry or giving evidence.
Other key witnesses have told me they now have similar thoughts, and will likewise probably not now engage with the inquiry.
Why do these key witnesses feel this way?
All of them feel directly and expressly threatened – intimidated – harassed and placed in fear as witnesses – by the recent public announcement of the agreement of the Queen to appoint William Bailhache as Bailiff.
The recent announcement that William Bailhache will be promoted to Bailiff has been made before the public inquiry has even begun – and whilst prima facie and unanswered evidence is in the public domain that William Bailhache is a criminal who involved himself in decisions on child-abuse prosecutions even though he was directly conflicted, that he associated with priority child-abuse suspects, and that he attempted to illegally coerce the Police Chief.
These witnesses see the promotion of the directly conflicted William Bailhache to the post of all-powerful Bailiff – where, like his brother before him he will wield such immense power over both the legislature and the judiciary – and who will actually henceforth choose and appoint the judges in all future Jersey court cases – as a direct threat to their welfare and the future of their families.
The witnesses – who like so many other people in Jersey’s climate-of-fear were already worried about going up against “The Jersey Way” – were always conscious of the “examples” that had been made of me as the Senior Senator – and made of Graham Power as the actual Police Chief. Now they see the elevation of William Bailhache – especially at this time – as as stark and direct a threat – as a signal of power – as a warning – as you could get, short of waking and finding your horse’s severed head next to you in bed.
Queen Elizabeth II decided that William Bailhache will be empowered – via her personal Letters Patent, as her Bailiff – almost certainly on the recommendation of people like his brother Philip Bailhache, and current Bailiff Michael Birt – both City connected gangsters like him, and as fatally conflicted as he is.
And that announcement of the promotion of William Bailhache – and the timing – when in fact he and the rest of the Crown Officers should all be suspended and an external apparatus put in place to enable a fear-free public inquiry to take place into their actions, without witness intimidation – is a clear demonstration that the Jersey public inquiry is simply dead-in-the-water as a credible exercise.
Dead-in-the water – even if it had wanted to do the job properly.
When the directly conflicted and corrupted power-apparatus you are, unavoidably, inquiring into has just succeeded in starkly intimidating perhaps dozens of your potentially key witnesses – then the inquiry you’re heading has just crashed-and burned – before it’s even left the ground.
But, take heart in the internet – in our archived evidence – in bloggers – in grass-roots validation of experience – in our ability to write and remember a real narrative – and our ability to not be silenced.
What we’re engaged in here has no precedent in modern British history; the entire local Fourth Estate resiled from its duties, so bloggers filled the vacuum; the entire local polity is corrupted, devoid of any functioning check or balance, and is fearful, oppressive & sleazy; from the grass-roots up, we’ve trumped any official public inquiry and challenged them with an evidenced narrative.
Although the Jersey establishment tried to hide their perversions of justice – and strove, secretly and in corrupt fear, to ban questions like these –
they failed – and those questions – and many others – will remain – unanswered – and vehement – like the telephone ringing in the dark.